Is the MoU Between Ethiopia and Somaliland Still in Effect?
Dr. Isse Kayd Mohamud, the departing Foreign Affairs Minister of Somaliland, told the BBC about the memorandum of understanding that President Bihi’s administration signed with Ethiopia and whether it came to an end when the Somali president and the Ethiopian prime minister agreed on the issue. Continue reading “Is the MoU Between Ethiopia and Somaliland Still in Effect?”
Outlining A Comprehensive Foreign Policy Vision for the New Admin Under President-elect H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi “Cirro”
“Re-imagining Somaliland Foreign Policy: A Vision for Sovereignty, Security, and Prosperity”
Somaliland stands at a critical juncture in its history. Decades of resilience, meticulous state-building, and a commitment to democratic governance have positioned it as a beacon of stability in the often turbulent Horn of Africa. While the region grapples with conflicts, fragile states, and authoritarian regimes, Somaliland has charted an extraordinary path, characterized by grassroots peace-building, credible elections, and a functioning governance structure. Continue reading “Outlining A Comprehensive Foreign Policy Vision for the New Admin Under President-elect H.E. Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi “Cirro””
Presidential Election will Bolster Somaliland’s Determination to Gain Recognition
On November 13, the 1.5 million registered voters of Somaliland Republic in the volatile Horn of Africa region went to the polls to elect a new leader.
Continue reading “Presidential Election will Bolster Somaliland’s Determination to Gain Recognition”
President-elect: Trump Election Campaign Blueprint Aims to Recognize Somaliland
A lengthy document reportedly crafted by members and supporters of the US Republican Party ahead of the upcoming elections hints that if Donald Trump wins, Washington will grant official recognition to the Somaliland Republic
Dubbed “Project 2025: Presidential Transition Project,” the over 900-page document sets out a list of objectives to be accomplished over the presidential nominee’s first 100 days in the Oval Office.
The document states the importance of “the recognition of Somaliland statehood as a hedge against the U.S.’s deteriorating position in Djibouti.”
The presence of a dozen military bases belonging to foreign powers in the tiny nation has been an additional factor in increasingly complicated geopolitics in the Horn of Africa.
During the inaugural Red Sea Security Conference held in Addis Ababa a few months ago, Djiboutian representatives stated that hosting both Chinese and American military bases has posed difficulties as the two powers seek the expulsion of the other.
However, following the recent circulation of the “Project 2025” document on social media, Donald Trump, former president while running for the upcoming election, distanced himself from the document.
In a comment posted on his social media platform Truth Social, Trump stated “I know nothing about Project2025. I have no idea who is behind it. I disagree with some of the things they are saying and some of the things they are saying are absolutely ridiculous and abysmal. Anything they do, I wish them luck, but I have nothing to do with them.”
Trump reportedly distanced himself from the document following strong backlash from American scholars and politicians. Some of the policies included in the Project 2025 agenda have been advocated for by Republicans for years or backed by Trump himself. These include slashing the education budget and introducing alternative schooling choices, tougher immigration and border laws, as well as cuts to social security programs and advocacy for mass deportation and the construction of a border wall, among others.
Project 2025 was prepared by the Heritage Foundation and other Republican affiliated groups. Various media outlets report the document is the fruit of Trump’s allies and political affiliates.
CNN discovered that at least 140 people who worked under the Trump administration were involved in the crafting of Project 2025. This includes “more than half of the people listed as authors, editors and contributors to “Mandate for Leadership,” the project’s extensive manifesto for overhauling the executive branch,” CNN reported this week.
The list of people with ties to Trump and Project 2025 includes close to 240 individuals ranging from ordinary White House staff members to senior US government officials.
The number is likely higher because many individuals’ online resumes were not available, according to CNN.
“In addition to people who worked directly for Trump, others who participated in Project 2025 were appointed by the former president to independent positions. The extensive overlap between Project 2025 and Trump’s universe of allies, advisers and former staff complicates his efforts to distance himself from the work. Trump’s campaign has sought for months to make clear that Project 2025 doesn’t speak for them amid an intensifying push by President Joe Biden and Democrats to tie the Republican standard bearer to the playbook’s more controversial policies,” reported CNN.
Project 2025 is spearheaded by the Heritage Foundation, but includes an advisory board consisting of more than 100 conservative groups.
The document’s first pillar, an overhaul of the federal government, has drawn the fiercest criticism thus far.
“Called “Mandate for Leadership 2025: The Conservative Promise,” the book builds on a “Mandate for Leadership” first published in January 1981, which sought to serve as a roadmap for Ronald Reagan’s incoming administration,” reports CNN.
The changes outlined in the plan touch on virtually every federal office and agency in the US government.
During his presidency in office, Trump was often part of rows with African leaders. His outright rejection of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) was particularly notable.
Analysts observe that even if Trump were to win the election and recognize Somaliland, the decision would be from the US point of interest, which is focused on combating China’s growing influence in Africa
Forecasts for the Somaliland Presidential Election Using Electoral Survey Data
According to recent sources and analyses in Somaliland, the following surveyed polls were conducted
to provide Somalilanders with an overview of the upcoming elections scheduled for November
13, 2024. The figures below were modeled research based, proof display held over the past few
weeks, as well as phone interviews with various citizens across all regions of Somaliland. These
numbers are averaged statistical calculations.
Below are 2024 Somaliland Presidential Election that will be held on November 13th, 2024.
Those numbers are estimated, forecast and predicted from analyses in different sources,
educated and open minded in all regions of Somaliland. I’m emphasizing those numbers are
modeled from statistical analyses (mean, median and average calculations).
According to our analyses, this surveyed poll aims to highlight reasons and arguments presented by
supporters:
Reasons Given to Choose a Party
According to our contacts on the ground, most people base their presidential choice on tribal affiliation. Tribalism remains a significant issue in Somaliland, with politicians exploiting it to fuel polarization among citizens. However, the more educated segment of the population, according to our sources, considers factors like security, international recognition, economic growth, and development in making their choices.
Below chart summarizes these findings:
Following are the most popular parties “URUURO” are the following:
According to Article 9 of the Somaliland Constitution, political parties (“Xisbi”) shall not exceed three (3) parties: “1. The political system of the Republic of Somaliland shall be based on peace, cooperation, democracy, and plurality of political parties. 2. The number of political parties in the Republic of Somaliland shall not exceed three (3). 3. A special law shall determine the procedures for the formation of a political party, but it is unlawful for any political party to be based on regionalism or clannism.”
Our research and analysis indicate that the two main parties, Kulmiye and Wadani, will retain their status as “Xusbi.” Horseed, Kaah, and Hilaac will compete for the third position, potentially replacing UCID.
Let’s examine these three “Urur” closely:
In conclusion, based on information gathered from key political figures and influencers in Somaliland, Horseed, led by Chairman Dirawal, has the potential to become the third official party in the upcoming election on November 13, 2024.
SOMALILAND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION HISTORY:
All figures and data in this report were sourced from the National Election Commission of Somaliland. The first election in Somaliland was held on April 14, 2003, with 488,035 registered voters
2017 SOMALILAND PRESIDENTIAL ELECTION RESULTS:
What does Somaliland historical data tell us today?
According to the charts above, Somaliland voters have spoken:
Author: Abdulkarim Musse Maygag – Toronto – Canada –
abdulkmu@hotmail.com
An Email Interview by Addis Standard with Wadani Figure Reveals Startling Position of the Party on the MoU with Ethiopia
The signing of a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) between Ethiopia and Somaliland, a region Somalia’s federal government regards as part of its own territory, has attracted considerable attention in the Horn of Africa. Inked at the start of 2024, the MoU seeks to grant Ethiopia access to the Red Sea in return for the recognition of Somaliland. Somalia’s President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud has strongly criticized the agreement, accusing Ethiopia of violating Somalia’s “sovereignty and territorial integrity.” Ethiopia, however, maintains that it has a right to secure access to the sea. Continue reading “An Email Interview by Addis Standard with Wadani Figure Reveals Startling Position of the Party on the MoU with Ethiopia”
Exploring Somaliland’s Unique Clan-based Governance System
Somaliland, an unrecognized state that broke away from Somalia, has carved its own path with a distinct government, currency, and borders. Since 1991, Somaliland has risen from the ruins of civil war, showcasing the resilience and determination of its people. Renowned for their unique culture and rich history, the people of Somaliland have forged stability and peace in the Horn of Africa. Have you ever wondered about the governance system in Somaliland? What makes it unique?
Governance systems vary significantly around the world, shaped by history, religion, and culture. In Somali societies, the unique blend of clan politics forms the foundation of governance, infusing elements of democracy within a traditional framework. This article explores the complex governance system of Somaliland, where clan-ship and traditional leadership play critical roles.
In Somaliland, the clan system is not only a social structure but the foundation of the legal and political system. Somaliland is home to a number of clans, each serving as a fundamental unit of identity and governance. The clan structure aids individuals in recognizing each other and determines political positions and influence. Generally, the clan system in Somaliland is divided into five major clans. These clans hold significant power over political appointments, with the largest clans usually securing key positions such as the presidency and leadership of political parties. Because of this, members of minority clans often find themselves excluded from high-ranking roles, even within the parliament.
Clan identity is embedded in Somaliland society, fostering a sense of superiority among different clans. This system privileges certain individuals based on their clan affiliation, often leading to perceived injustices. The traditional leaders, or clan elders, have considerable power in this structure. Respected as mediators and decision-makers, these elders play central roles in conflict resolution and political nominations. Every candidate for political office is endorsed by these traditional leaders, underlining their critical influence in the political arena.
Central to Somaliland’s governance is the concept of “Xeer,” directly translated as law. Xeer represents the traditional legal system, a set of Somali regulations and laws that clans and elders use to resolve disputes and govern Somali society. While this system demonstrates a strong sense of community and continuity, it also imposes limitations. Many capable individuals find their political aspirations suffocated due to their clan background, as positions of power often remain within the dominant clans. Those who do hold political office face pressure to favor their clan members with opportunities and jobs, carrying on inequality.
The imbalance in representation and opportunity across clans can lead to accusations of favoritism, escalating potential conflicts. The issue of equitable chances is clear, with certain sectors dominated by particular clans, excluding others from participating fully. Many young people in Somaliland, despite being well-educated and capable of significantly contributing to the society, often face challenges in securing jobs and opportunities if they lack connections to major clans or influential relatives. As a result, many are forced to seek employment abroad to support their families and themselves. By boosting the voices of the younger generation, particularly in politics, Somaliland can unlock its potential for growth and development.
Somaliland’s journey towards governance uniquely intertwines traditional practices with modern aspirations. Despite challenges posed by the clan-based system, there are signs of evolving perspectives. The younger generation, educated and globally connected, increasingly advocates for inclusivity and meritocracy. They envision a future where leadership is defined by capability rather than clan affiliation. Initiatives promoting civic education and youth empowerment are gaining traction, fostering dialogue on reforming governance norms. As Somaliland navigates these dual pressures of tradition and progress, the prospect of a more equitable and inclusive society beckons, one where every citizen, regardless of clan, can contribute to the nation’s promising future.
Can this system change? Given the challenges and inequalities resulting from the clan-based governance system, one wonders if Somaliland will evolve towards a fairer, more inclusive model. Will the younger generation, with their aspirations for equality and justice, rise to reform this age-old structure? The future holds the answer, as Somaliland struggles with the tension between tradition and the pursuit of a more equitable society.
About The Author
In Somaliland’s Quest for Recognition, President Bihi is the Choice
Less than three weeks to go until election day, President Muse Bihi has a good chance to be re-elected. I like President Muse Bihi because he is an unapologetic nationalist Somalilander who puts Somaliland interest first. That alone makes him an exemplary president of Somaliland Republic. Continue reading “In Somaliland’s Quest for Recognition, President Bihi is the Choice”
While Mogadishu teeters on failure, Somaliland is taking concrete steps toward long-term development and stability.
Roda J Elmi
Deputy Foreign Affairs Minister
Somaliland
Ethiopia Defends MoU with Somaliland
Ethiopia has been mostly silent about the Memorandum of Understanding it signed with Somaliland while Somalia delved into garnering military, diplomatic and military support from the region on alleged grounds that the agreement violates its sovereignty.
Now Ethiopia is openly defending the agreement and did so at the U.N. General Assembly.
During his speech, Taye reaffirmed Ethiopia’s dedication to multilateralism and collaboration in the Horn of Africa, contextualizing the accord within a more comprehensive plan for mutual development. “The current political system in Somalia serves as the foundation for Ethiopia’s memorandum of understanding with Somaliland. “We reject the baseless accusations made against Ethiopia regarding this agreement, and our goal is shared growth and prosperity in the region,” Taye declared. In order to confront the more immediate threat of terrorism in the area, he advised Somalia to concentrate on cooperation. “We encourage Somalia to work with us to eliminate the terrorist threats that plague the region,” he stated.
Ethiopia also made claims that the “objective is shared growth and prosperity in the region.” Another point that the Ethiopian Foreign Affairs Minister made at the assembly is that similar agreements have been with other states.
Ethiopia doesn’t waver in its beliefs. “Our intentions are not to undermine any nation’s sovereignty but to pursue mutually beneficial partnerships,” Taye stated at the United Nations. He continued by saying that Ethiopia had just signed comparable deals with other nations in an effort to promote trade and development throughout the region.
Taye added that ” there is no reason for the Federal Government of Somalia to incite hostility that obviously intends to cover internal political tensions.”
The contributions of Ethiopia along with nations in the region to protect Somalia from terrorist groups and the sacrifices made in that regard was also highlighted – apparently to demonstrate that Ethiopia does not have ill-intentions against Somalia. But activists from Somalia would reduce this point to “service was not in exchange for land.”
An update from the Ministry of Foreign Affairs cited Taye Atske-Selassie, the Minister, as saying, in his speech at the U.N. , the MoU with Somaliland is ” based on existing political dispensation in Somalia…”
Ethiopia also made claims that the “objective is shared growth and prosperity in the region.” Another point that the Ethiopian Foreign Affairs Minister made at the assembly is that similar agreements have been with other states.
Taye added that ” there is no reason for the Federal Government of Somalia to incite hostility that obviously intends to cover internal political tensions.”
The contributions of Ethiopia along with nations in the region to protect Somalia from terrorist groups and the sacrifices made in that regard was also highlighted – apparently to demonstrate that Ethiopia does not have ill-intentions against Somalia. But activists from Somalia would reduce this point to “service was not in exchange for land.”
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