Category: Blog

Somaliland Child Education: An Emerging Model in the Horn of Africa

Somaliland Child Education: An Emerging Model in the Horn of Africa

Somaliland covers an area of 137,600 kilometers and shares a broader with Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia. Hargeisa is the political and commercial capital of Somaliland. School education system of Somaliland is playing a vital role for the cognitive, social and emotional growth of children and is responsible for the overall well being of children. In Somaliland, for the first two to three years of a child’s life, early childhood education is integrated into formal schools and private Quranic schools. Primary school lasts eight years, divided into elementary and intermediate cycles. Continue reading “Somaliland Child Education: An Emerging Model in the Horn of Africa”

Abaarso Tech: An Essential Gateway Connecting Somaliland to the Global Community

Abaarso Tech: An Essential Gateway Connecting Somaliland to the Global Community

It was an immense privilege to have the opportunity to meet Jonathan Starr, the visionary founder of the Abaarso School of Science and Technology in Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Abaarso transcends the conventional definition of a school; it embodies a transformative movement. Emerging amidst the aftermath of decades of adversity, particularly the collapse of Somaliland educational system during Siyad Barre’s regime, Abaarso emerged at a pivotal juncture. It not only delivered academic excellence but also instilled a renewed sense of optimism and hope for a new generation.

Jonathan Starr’s vision filled a critical gap, reviving a culture of education, leadership, and ambition that had long been suppressed. Today, Abaarso serves as a gateway to the world, empowering brilliant young minds to seize global opportunities and return home as agents of change.

Jonathan Star and Abdirizak Abubaker

The profound impact of this initiative can be easily witnessed at the commencement ceremony of my niece, Hodo, an Abaarso alumnus who recently graduated from Middlebury College in Vermont.

Hodo’s achievement stands as a resounding affirmation of the school’s mission and its enduring influence.

The celebration was further enhanced by the presence of numerous Abaarso alumni, now pursuing higher education at esteemed institutions across the United States. These esteemed individuals made the journey from various states to commemorate Hodo’s significant milestone, underscoring the robust and supportive network that Abaarso has cultivated. These young leaders maintain a profound connection, supporting one another and forging a future that transcends the boundaries of any single campus or nation.

Their presence, unity, and unwavering commitment to one another and their homeland reaffirmed the core values that Abaarso embodies.

As Somaliland pursues to secure international recognition, the accomplishments of Abaarso students and its alumni serve as tangible results of the nation’s fortitude, capacity, and rightful position on the global stage.

The narratives of Abaarso School of Science and Technology serve as a compelling testament to the fact that recognition transcends geographical boundaries. It encompasses the contributions, values, and aspirations of an institution.

Undeterred by criticism or propaganda emanating from detractors, the tangible evidence on the ground unequivocally demonstrates Abaarso’s transformative role in shaping the future of Somaliland.  Abaarso mission extends beyond mere academic achievement; it nurtures leaders, innovators, and global citizens.

By connecting Somaliland to the world on both an academic and political level, Abaarso empowers a generation of youth rooted in values, driven by purpose, and equipped with an exceptional education.

Amidst the prevailing discourse, the indisputable truth remains: Abaarso stands as a national asset. Its impact is undeniable, and its legacy is merely in its nascent stages.

Congratulations to Hodo and to all members of Abaarso graduating class of 2025. Your accomplishments will pave the way great contributions in many fileds for Somaliland and the global community.

Author: Abdirazak Sh. Abubaker, Atlanta, GA

Somaliland: Sound Foreign Policy Requires Strong Internal Unity in addition to External Lobbying

Somaliland: Sound Foreign Policy Requires Strong Internal Unity in addition to External Lobbying

A wise saying states, “Whoever desires to raise a high building must strengthen and perfect its foundation.” This principle, though originally intended to describe physical structures, applies powerfully to the realm of politics and diplomacy—particularly in the case of Somaliland. As a self-declared state striving for international recognition and broader global engagement, Somaliland foreign policy must be rooted in solid internal foundations. The success of its international outreach depends not just on external lobbying, but on the strength, unity, and integrity of its domestic systems.

Since declaring independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has made notable strides in establishing peace, conducting elections, building institutions, and developing an inclusive form of governance. These achievements, often overlooked on the global stage, form the bedrock of its foreign policy strategy. Much like a tall building relies on a reinforced base, Somaliland path to international legitimacy rests on the strength of its internal governance and the consistency of its external messaging

The Foundation: Internal Stability and Good Governance

Somaliland greatest diplomatic asset lies not in grand speeches abroad, but in the quiet success of peace and order at home. In a region plagued by instability, Somaliland has maintained relative security, democratic transitions, and functioning institutions. These achievements serve as theconcrete” in the foundation of its foreign relations. Foreign governments and institutions take note when a region demonstrates self-reliance, political maturity, and legal order. Thus, maintaining and enhancing rule of law, anti-corruption practices, and inclusive governance is essential to reinforcing Somaliland global credibility

The Blueprint: Strategic and Consistent Messaging

A high-rise cannot be built on vague or shifting plans—and neither can a foreign policy succeed with inconsistent messages. Somaliland must continue to communicate a clear and unified diplomatic vision, rooted in historical facts, legal arguments, and a demonstrated capacity for self-governance. Recognition efforts must be based not on emotional appeals, but on consistent diplomatic engagement, showcasing the contrast between Somaliland stability and Somalia’s ongoing challenges

This also requires internal political unity. Divisions among political parties or changes in messaging can undermine Somaliland case. Diplomacy begins at home: when political actors speak with one voice abroad, the world listens more carefully.

The Structure: Gradual Growth Through Targeted Partnerships

Somaliland foreign policy should prioritize strategic patience and issue-based diplomacy. Recognition is not won overnight; rather, it is the product of years of engagement, trust-building, and practical cooperation. Somaliland growing relationships with countries like Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates (through the Berbera Port), and Taiwan illustrate the value of targeted partnerships. These ties can strengthen its economy, security capacity, and diplomatic profile—forming the next “floors” of its diplomatic structure

Through trade, education exchange, development cooperation, and regional security contributions, Somaliland can gradually build an undeniable international presence—even without formal recognition in the short term

The Support Beams: Institutional and Public Capacity

Behind any enduring foreign policy is a network of skilled professionals, informed citizens, and strong institutions. Somaliland must invest in training diplomats, developing foreign policy think tanks, and engaging civil society in international issues. A nation’s diplomatic strength is not just measured by its embassies, but by the depth of its preparation and the unity of its people behind a shared vision.

Just as a building relies on steel beams and engineers, Somaliland foreign outreach depends on education, professionalism, and long-term planning 

Conclusion

The ambition to “build high” in foreign policy—to gain recognition, influence, and international respect—is a worthy goal for Somaliland. But the success of that ambition will be determined by the strength of the foundations laid at home. Through peace, governance, strategic communication, and steady diplomatic work, Somaliland has already laid much of that groundwork.

The building may not yet be complete. Recognition may still be afar. But if Somaliland continues to strengthen its foundations, align its strategies, and rise steadily, the structure it is building—a sovereign, democratic, and globally engaged state—will not only stand tall, but it will endure.

Author Bio:

Munir Bashatax, based in Birmingham, UK, holds bachelor’s and master’s degrees in both Sociology and Economics, as well as Commerce. With a deep appreciation for politics, economics, and business, he spends his time researching and reflecting independently on these subjects, offering well-informed personal insights and analysis.

The Deep State Within the Current Somaliland Administration

The Deep State Within the Current Somaliland Administration
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) assumed office with a constitutional mandate and cautious optimism from the public. For many, it was a moment that signaled the possibility of steadier leadership and a more inclusive national tone. He stepped into a landscape shaped by long-standing political complexities, emerging pressures, and the quiet expectations of a society looking for calm, clarity, and cohesion.

Complicating this environment was the steady rise of ideological soft power, originating from both regional actors and internal clergy-politician alliances. Over time, these networks – not rooted in democratic legitimacy – have cultivated influence through symbolic authority, narrative control, and long-term positioning. Their impact has gone largely unchecked, quietly eroding the ideological coherence that once defined Somaliland sovereign claim.

One of the earliest signals that the road ahead would be difficult came with the formation of Irro’s cabinet. While national expectations for sweeping change may not have been universally high, key constituencies—particularly those that delivered electoral victory—expected principled leadership and meaningful inclusion. Instead, the cabinet suggested compromise. Several appointees lacked experience, and many who had stood closest to the president’s platform were left out. This created an executive structure vulnerable to internal maneuvering and a lack of cohesion.

For much of the public, the appointments felt like continuity. But for Irro’s political base, the failure to distinguish this administration from previous ones triggered a sharp legitimacy gap. That gap widened as ministries began operating in silos, agendas clashed, and state coordination weakened. The presidency, once seen as a potential driver of direction, began to resemble a balancing act between internal power centers rather than a cohesive seat of leadership.

The early decision to proceed with parliamentary and municipal elections, while a sound procedure, further prolonged the campaign atmosphere. Rather than closing the chapter on electoral rivalry, it sustained the political tension and postponed the focus on governance.

Meanwhile, perceptions of exclusion began to surface. Certain regions and civil service constituencies have expressed concerns about marginalization in appointments and decision-making. Whether these claims are substantiated or not, they have traction—especially in a political culture where symbolic balance and inclusive optics play an essential role in stability.

The absence of a coherent ideological voice within government has also become increasingly evident. Past administrations, despite their limitations, upheld a consistent message of sovereignty, statehood, and legal continuity. Today, those narratives are faint. In their absence, revisionist discourse and external ideological influence are gaining space—unchecked by a strong internal counter-narrative.

This ideological vacuum is especially dangerous among Somaliland youth. With civic education limited and engagement channels narrow, young people are increasingly vulnerable to polarizing rhetoric—both tribal and foreign. In a context where the youth represent the majority, this poses a serious long-term risk to national unity and social cohesion.

Somaliland political culture—grounded in consensus, regional inclusion, and symbolic legitimacy—is under quiet strain. Its erosion, even if gradual, opens the door to deeper fragmentation. In a state still unrecognized but widely respected for its internal stability, perception matters just as much as structure.

There is still time for President Irro to re-calibrate. Doing so will require more than reshuffling personnel. It demands clear direction, a renewed commitment to inclusiveness, and the elevation of credible voices who can restore trust in government. Rebuilding cohesion starts with listening—not just to allies, but to those feeling pushed to the margins.

Irro was not elected to maintain inertia. He was elected to guide Somaliland through complexity—with fairness, balance, and vision.

Whether this administration succeeds in that mission will shape not just its legacy, but the future of the nation itself.

Mohamed Khader, Hargeisa, Somaliland

Questions on the Status of Ankara Communique between Ethiopia & Somalia are Increasing

Questions on the Status of Ankara Communique between Ethiopia & Somalia are Increasing

Concerns are mounting regarding the current status of the Ankara communiqué, which was designed to pave the way for a comprehensive agreement between Somalia and Ethiopia by May 2025. This timeline holds significant importance for both nations, yet officials have been notably reticent about any complications that may be obstructing the ongoing negotiations. Interestingly, even the Turkish government, which has actively facilitated and supported these discussions, has not offered any recent updates or insights into the progression of talks. Continue reading “Questions on the Status of Ankara Communique between Ethiopia & Somalia are Increasing”

The Chief Editor of Somaliland Chronicle’s Interview with Israel’s i24News TV

The Chief Editor of Somaliland Chronicle’s Interview with Israel’s i24News TV

Only Israel Spoke Out at the UN When Siyad Barre Was Massacring the People of Somaliland” says Saeed Ibrahim, editor of Somaliland Chronicle. Continue reading “The Chief Editor of Somaliland Chronicle’s Interview with Israel’s i24News TV”

Somaliland’s Diplomatic Momentum Stumbling Dangerously under the Current Foreign Minister

Somaliland’s Diplomatic Momentum Stumbling Dangerously under the Current Foreign Minister

For nearly two decades, I have watched Somaliland with admiration. As a former senior Africa analyst for the Central Intelligence Agency, I have studied fragile states, insurgencies, and democratic experiments across the continent. Continue reading “Somaliland’s Diplomatic Momentum Stumbling Dangerously under the Current Foreign Minister”

Insiders and Insurgents: The Joint Venture of Al-shabab & Somali Government

Insiders and Insurgents: The Joint Venture of Al-shabab & Somali Government

At the heart of the Horn of Africa is a chilling story—one that combines corruption, terror, and insurgency into a deadly cycle. Somalia, forever plagued by political instability and extremism, is now in the hot seat for its suspected harboring of an unholy trinity: a low-key, transactional relationship between branches of its government and the Al-Qaeda-linked militant group Al-Shabaab. This is less a story of betrayal but more an expose on how terror had become a cross-ventured business. Continue reading “Insiders and Insurgents: The Joint Venture of Al-shabab & Somali Government”

Somaliland SAG Refutes the Somali Policy Council’s Unfounded Assertions

Somaliland SAG Refutes the Somali Policy Council’s Unfounded Assertions
Washington, D.C. – February 3, 2025 – The Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG) categorically refutes the misleading and factually incorrect assertions made by the Somali Policy Council (SPC) in its recent letter. The SPC’s claims are a blatant attempt to distort reality and manipulate the United States into continuing its failed investment in Somalia, a country that has squandered three decades of international aid and remains a breeding ground for terrorism. Somaliland, by contrast, is a beacon of democracy, stability, and self-reliance in a volatile region.

Somalia: The Real Failed State

The SPC recklessly likens the recognition of Somaliland to investing in a “distressed asset.” This analogy ignores the fact that Somalia itself is a collapsed state, plagued by lawlessness, terrorism, and corruption. Despite receiving billions in international aid, Somalia has failed to establish a functioning government and remains fragmented under the control of warlords, terrorist groups, and foreign mercenaries. By contrast, Somaliland has built a stable, self-governing democracy with a growing economy and a proven track record in counterterrorism.

Conflict of Interest: The Somali Policy Council’s Misleading Campaign

The SPC is not an independent body, but a lobbyist group funded by the Somali government with $600,000 in international donor money, including U.S. taxpayer funds. Its latest letter is a paid propaganda effort aimed at undermining Somaliland’s legitimate aspirations for international recognition. The United States must not allow itself to be misled by an organization with clear financial and political motives.

Somaliland: A Model of Democracy and Stability

The SPC’s claims that Somaliland is “high-risk” and dominated by a single clan are patently false. Somaliland has held multiple democratic elections, facilitated peaceful transfers of power, and upheld press freedoms and the rule of law—achievements Somalia has never accomplished. Somaliland’s economic resilience, driven by trade and investment, starkly contrasts with Somalia’s reliance on international handouts.

No Links to Terrorism

Contrary to the SPC’s fabricated claims, Somaliland has been at the forefront of counterterrorism efforts, ensuring that extremist groups do not gain a foothold within its borders. Meanwhile, Somalia remains a stronghold for al-Shabaab, which continues to control large portions of its territory and carry out deadly attacks, including against American personnel. The U.S. should recognize Somaliland as the true counterterrorism partner in the Horn of Africa.

U.S. Interests Are Best Served by Recognizing Somaliland

Recognizing Somaliland is a strategic move that will:

• Ensure stability in the Horn of Africa.

• Strengthen U.S. influence through a democratic partner free from terrorist influence.

• Provide a secure base for counterterrorism operations.

• Enable American companies to invest in a stable environment, unlike Somalia.

The Myth of Somali Unity

Somalia has never been a unified state since its collapse in 1991. The SPC’s portrayal of a “strong, unified Somalia” is pure fiction. Somaliland, on the other hand, has built a functioning nation without foreign aid and enjoys strong bilateral ties with Ethiopia, the UAE, Kenya, and other regional powers.

Conclusion: Time for the U.S. to Recognize Reality

The United States must make a clear choice: continue investing in Somalia—a failed state that delivers nothing but terrorism, corruption, and instability—or recognize Somaliland, a proven democratic partner that upholds security, stability, and economic growth. The SPC’s desperate attempt to maintain the illusion of Somali unity should not dictate U.S. foreign policy. It is time to embrace Somaliland as the success story that it is.

The Somali Policy Council’s letter is nothing but a desperate attempt to maintain the illusion of Somali unity while the country continues to collapse. The U.S. does not invest in failure, and Somalia is the very definition of failure. It is time to discard these outdated narratives and support Somaliland—a nation that has already demonstrated its worth.

Somaliland Strategic Advisory Group (SL-SAG)

Two Summits in Djibouti, but no Talk of Djibouti’s Own Struggles

Two Summits in Djibouti, but no Talk of Djibouti’s Own Struggles

The Horn of Africa is facing an unprecedented confluence of crises, marked by civil wars in Ethiopia and Sudan, escalating tensions between Somalia and Ethiopia, and the persistent threat of Al-Shabaab’s insurgency in Somalia.

Against this backdrop, two high-profile forums were held recently in Djibouti, aimed at addressing regional stability and security. The Heritage Institute for Policy Studies convened its annual three-day dialogue on regional stability, while the East Africa Security Forum (EASF) brought together diplomats, military leaders, and private-sector stakeholders under the auspices of the Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA).

However, conspicuously absent from both forums were discussions about Djibouti’s own internal issues: widespread hunger, endemic insecurity, and a lack of democratic governance. These omissions raise critical questions about the priorities of regional and international stakeholders and the inherent challenges of hosting such discussions in a country with pressing internal issues.

The Horn of Africa is a region teetering on the edge of collapse. In Ethiopia and Sudan, civil wars have left thousands dead and millions displaced. Somalia continues to battle the Al-Shabaab insurgency, a persistent threat to national and regional stability.

Meanwhile, tensions between Somalia and Ethiopia have flared over a contentious port deal Addis Ababa signed with Somaliland, the breakaway region whose sovereignty remains unrecognized internationally.
Amid this chaos, Djibouti has positioned itself as a relative island of stability, hosting international military bases and serving as a hub for diplomatic activity.

Yet beneath this façade, Djibouti grapples with its own set of crises, including hunger exacerbated by prolonged droughts, economic vulnerabilities, and a political system often criticized for its lack of democratic freedoms.

Between April and June 2024, for instance, an estimated 221,000 people or 19 percent of the analyzed population (out of 1.18 million people), were facing high levels of acute food insecurity, according to the Integrated Food Security (IPC).

In the 2024 Global Hunger Index, Djibouti ranks 92nd out of 127 countries, with a score of 21.2, indicating a serious level of hunger. Djibouti imports 90% of its food, making it vulnerable to international market price fluctuations, according to the European Civil Protection and Humanitarian Aid Operations. The country’s hot, dry climate also limits agricultural production.

Djibouti has a poverty rate of 79%, with 42% of the population living in extreme poverty. High levels of unemployment also contribute to humanitarian needs.

Djibouti’s geographical location makes it a strategic hub for international military bases, hosting troops from the United States, China, France, Japan, and Italy. Djibouti’s maritime territory is increasingly plagued by illegal fishing activities, primarily conducted by foreign fleets from Yemen and China. These unregulated operations deplete fish stocks, threatening the livelihoods of local fishing communities and disrupting the marine ecosystem.

Illegal fishing not only undermines Djibouti’s economic prospects but also poses a security threat. It has been linked to organized criminal networks that use fishing vessels as cover for smuggling goods, weapons, and even people. Additionally, the lack of effective maritime surveillance leaves Djibouti’s waters vulnerable to exploitation, highlighting a significant gap in its security infrastructure.

The government’s inability to monitor and regulate its maritime borders exacerbates the issue. While international partnerships, such as those with the European Union’s naval operations and other anti-piracy missions, aim to strengthen maritime security, the focus often remains on piracy rather than illegal fishing. This imbalance leaves the problem of unregulated fishing largely unaddressed.

While these bases contribute to regional security, they do not shield Djibouti from internal and neighboring conflicts. The Horn of Africa is one of the most volatile regions globally, with civil wars in Ethiopia and Sudan, Al-Shabaab’s insurgency in Somalia, and heightened tensions between neighboring states.

These conflicts spill over into Djibouti, straining its limited resources and exposing vulnerabilities in its security apparatus. For instance, tensions between Ethiopia and Somalia over territorial disputes and Somaliland’s independence aspirations often find expression in Djibouti’s border areas, leading to localized instability. The porous borders make it difficult for authorities to control the influx of refugees and militants, further complicating security management.

Domestically, Djibouti faces political repression and a lack of democratic governance, which exacerbate insecurity. The government, led by President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh since 1999, has faced allegations of being an Al-Shabaab sympathizer. There are also allegations that Somalia’s Salaam Bank, which has been linked with Al-Shabaab over the years, also has links with Guelleh’s inner political circle.

His government continues to face strong criticism for stifling dissent and consolidating power. This political climate fosters discontent among the populace and raises concerns about the state’s ability to manage internal security effectively.

Human trafficking is a persistent and growing problem in Djibouti, largely driven by its proximity to conflict zones and its strategic location as a transit point to Yemen and the Arabian Peninsula. The majority of trafficked individuals come from Somalia and Ethiopia, fleeing poverty, conflict, and political instability. These migrants often seek better opportunities in Gulf countries but become victims of exploitation and abuse along the way.

Djibouti serves as a key transit route for smugglers and traffickers who promise desperate migrants passage to Yemen, often under dire and dangerous conditions. The journey involves crossing the treacherous Gulf of Aden, frequently in overcrowded and unseaworthy vessels. Many do not survive the crossing, falling victim to drowning, starvation, or abuse at the hands of smugglers.

The human trafficking networks operating in Djibouti are highly organized, exploiting the country’s weak border controls and limited law enforcement resources. Despite efforts by international organizations and NGOs to combat trafficking, the scale of the problem remains overwhelming. Trafficked individuals often face inhumane treatment, including forced labor and sexual exploitation, both en route and upon arrival in their destination countries.

Despite these glaring issues, the forums held in Djibouti turned their focus outward, concentrating on the region’s broader security dilemmas. The absence of discussions on Djibouti’s internal challenges is reflective of its strategic position and the delicate balancing act required in such high-stakes gatherings.

From November 25 to 27, scholars, politicians, and traditional leaders gathered for the Heritage Institute’s annual forum, hosted in Djibouti. The focus was on fostering dialogue among key stakeholders from across the Horn of Africa, with an emphasis on addressing regional instability. Central to the discussions were the civil wars in Ethiopia and Sudan, Somalia’s ongoing political challenges, and the threat posed by Al-Shabaab.

The forum offered a unique opportunity for regional leaders to confront pressing transnational issues. However, its agenda sidestepped domestic concerns within Djibouti, opting instead to spotlight regional dynamics. The decision to omit discussions about Djibouti’s hunger crisis, insecurity, or democratic deficits can be attributed to several factors, including the forum’s regional scope and the host nation’s influence over the agenda.

The East Africa Security Forum (EASF) held from November 21 to 23 at Camp Lemonnier, the East Africa Security Forum took a decidedly security-focused approach. Organized by the U.S.-led Combined Joint Task Force – Horn of Africa, the forum emphasized enhancing collaboration between the U.S. and its regional partners. Discussions revolved around managing inter- and intra-state conflicts, leveraging private-sector investments for stability, and tackling tribal and national affiliations that often fuel regional discord.

Once again, Djibouti’s internal issues were notably absent. Instead, the forum concentrated on broader regional and international security priorities, aligning with U.S. strategic interests in the Horn of Africa. As a key U.S. ally and the site of America’s largest military base in Africa, Djibouti enjoys a degree of diplomatic immunity when it comes to scrutiny of its internal affairs.

This narrative of stability is carefully cultivated and fiercely protected in Djibouti. Raising issues such as hunger, insecurity, or democratic deficits in high-profile forums held within Djibouti could be seen as diplomatically provocative, potentially jeopardizing relations with the host nation.

Consequently, organizers often tread cautiously, prioritizing external challenges over internal critiques.

However, this approach is not without consequences. Ignoring Djibouti’s domestic issues risks perpetuating cycles of poverty, eroding governance, and undermining the very stability that makes it a valuable partner in regional security efforts.

Djibouti’s hunger crisis, driven by prolonged droughts and economic stagnation, continues to affect a significant portion of its population. Failing to address these issues in forums ostensibly focused on stability undermines efforts to build a resilient and secure region.

International actors, including the U.S. and multilateral organizations, have a responsibility to advocate for transparency and reform in Djibouti but they often choose no to. The absence of meaningful U.S. advocacy for transparency and reform enables Djibouti’s entrenched authoritarian practices, stifling democratic progress.

President Ismaïl Omar Guelleh has presided over a system marked by political repression, corruption, and limited civic freedoms. Without external pressure for reform, this system remains unchallenged, perpetuating governance practices that prioritize elite interests over public welfare.

By avoiding discussions on governance and democracy, forums inadvertently legitimize Djibouti’s authoritarian tendencies. This silence not only perpetuates existing power structures but also undermines broader efforts to promote democratic principles across the region.

Djibouti’s lack of transparency hampers economic development by discouraging foreign investment and allowing corruption to flourish. With a centralized economy heavily dependent on port revenues and rents from military bases, unchecked governance risks deepening economic inequality and fostering discontent among marginalized communities.

Future forums must adopt a more inclusive and holistic approach to addressing the Horn of Africa’s challenges. This includes incorporating discussions on domestic issues within host nations like Djibouti, even when such topics are diplomatically sensitive.