Category: Blog

Xeer Hoosaadka Xisbiga Kulmiye iyo Ismaandhaafka Dhexdiisa

Xeer Hoosaadka Xisbiga Kulmiye iyo Ismaandhaafka Dhexdiisa

Muran siyaasadeed oo ka dhex taagan gudaha Xisbiga Kulmiye oo u kala qaybiyey labo dhinac ayaa dhawaan dibadda u soo ifbaxay, tiiyooy kooxahaasi eedaymo isku lid ah saxaafadda iyo baraha bulshadda isu mariyaan.

Mudo xileedka Gudidda Dhexe iyo Gudidda Fulinta ee Xisbiga Kukmiye ayaa ku eg inay dhammaaneyso bilowga bishan tobnaad ee Oktobar sanadkan, iyagoo xilkan soo hayey shantii sano ee u dambeeyey.

Mid ka mid ah garabyada xisbiga dhexdiisa ku hirdamaya waa “Gudidda Fulinta” ee waqtigan xaadirka ah xilka haysa iyo musdambeedkeeda “Gudidda Dhexe” ee iyaga la safan. Hormoodka kooxda ka horjeedaa ilaa imika ismay caddeyn laakiin xanta suuqu waxay tuhmeysaa inuu yahay Madaxweynihii hore ee dhawaan xilka ka degay.

Arrinta udub dhexaadka u ah murankan siyaasadeed ayaa noqoneysa qabashadda “Shirweynaha Xisbiga ee heer qaran” sida uu dhigaayo Axdiga Xisbigu oo ah inuu qabsoomo shantii sano ba mar, iyo awoodaha “Gudidda Dhexe” iyo “Gudidda Fulinta”.

QODOBKA 14AAD ee Xeer Hoosaadka Xisbiya ayaa qeexaya qaab-dhismeedka xisbiga, Faraciisa 1.1 ayaana u dhigan sidan hoos ku qoran:

“Shirweynaha Xisbiga ee heer qaran ayey hoos yimaadaan:

a) Golaha Dhexe ee Xisbigu

b)  Gudidda Fulinta ee Golaha Dhexe.

QODOBKA 15AAD ee xaarankan ayaa isaguna sheegaya in Shirweynaha Xisbiga ee heer qaran uu yahay awooda ugu sareysa ee xisbiga tiiyoo shirweynahana la qabanaayo shantii sanaba mar.

QODOBKA 17AAD ee axdigan xisbiga Kulmiye ayaa isna qeexaya awoodaha Shirweynaha Xisbiga ee heer qaran:

  1. Ansaxinta iyo wax-ka-bedelka dastuurka xisbiga
  2. Ansaxinta iyo wax-ka-bedelka barnaamijka xisbiga
  3. Doorashada hogaanka xisbiga oo ka kooban: gudoomiyaha iyo gudoomiye-ku xigeenada koowaad iyo labaad ee xisbiga
  4. Doorashada xubnaha golaha dhexe ee xisbiga
  5. Go’aaminta siyaasada iyo qorshayaasha guud ee xisbiga
  6. Wax-ka-bedelka ama baabi’inta go’aanada iyo xeerarka golaha dhexe.

Shirweynaha Xisbiga ee heer qaran waa madasha lagu caleemo saaro “Gudidda Dhexe iyo Gudidda Fulinta” ee xisbiga oo mudo shan sano xilka haynaya.

Axdiga Xisbiga Kulmiye oo dhan isagoo ku qoran Af Somali halkan ka AKHRISO.

Axdiga Xisbiga Kulmiye awood xeer dejin ku meelgaadha wuu siiyey “Gudiida Dhexe” isagaa sidan hoos ku qoran u dhigan:

“Inta u dhaxeysa labada shirweyne xisbi ee heer qaran; baahi jirta oo lagama
maarmaan ah awgeed, Golaha dhexe ee xisbigu wuxuu awood u leeyahay inuu wax-
ka-bedel ku sameeyo dastuurkan si danta guud ee ururka/xisbiga waafaqsan
Xaaladaha wax-ka-bedelka dastuurkan waxa lagu ansixinayaa 2/3 (saddex meelood
oo laba) tirada guud ee Golaha dhexe

Waxa ka muuqata Axdigan Xisbiga Kulmiye in aanu si cad uga hadal, xeer ka dhiganna aanu jirin, dib u dhigista Shirweynaha Xisbiga (Kulmiye Convention), taas oo noqoneysa in shirku marwalba ku qansoomo waqtigiisa.

Kooxda ka soo horjeeda dib u dhigista Shirweynaha Xisbiga waxa muuqata in ay gar leeyihiin mar haddii Xeer Hosaadkii Xisbiga aanu arrinkani ku cadeyn sida loo maamulayo iyo awooda maamuleysaba.

Haddaba adigoo tixraacaya Axdiga Xisbiga si qoto dheerna u darsaayaa, gar qaad oo eex ka fogow.

Somaliland Foreign Minister Bakaal under the Shadow of US DOJ’s Investigation

Somaliland Foreign Minister Bakaal under the Shadow of US DOJ’s Investigation

By any measure, President Abdirahaman Mohamed Abdillahi “Cirro” has appointed the weakest cabinet in Somaliland’s history. Instead of selecting ministers based on qualifications, merit, or vision, most were chosen for clan identity (DEI – Diversity, Equality, & Inclusion) or campaign contributions. No appointment has been more damaging to Somaliland’s national security and foreign policy than the naming of Mr. Abdirahman Adam Bakaal as Foreign Minister.

Bakaal has no foreign policy background, no government experience, and only a high school education which impairs his effective communication with other diplomats.

His sole qualification for office appears to be the $120,000 campaign contribution his wife, Muna Firdhin, made to Irro’s 2024 presidential bid. That payment secured him the position of Foreign Minister—one of the most vital posts for a country still fighting for international recognition.

This was a reckless political bargain, and Somaliland is now paying the price.

Bakaal cannot represent Somaliland credibly while under the shadow of an active U.S. Department of Justice investigation.In Minneapolis, Minnesota, his wife, Muna Firdhin, 44, has already been charged in the “Feeding Our Future” fraud scheme. Prosecutors say she stole more than $1 million from a federal child nutrition program, using the funds to purchase a house, luxury items and to bankroll Irro’s campaign. An indictment of Bakaal himself remains a possibility.

The mere fact that Somaliland’s Foreign Minister is entangled in such a scandal undermines our international credibility. No serious government can defend appointing a chief diplomat who may face criminal prosecution abroad

Somaliland’s diplomacy has been in disarray since Bakaal assumed office. Instead of strengthening ties with our most important ally and trading partner, Ethiopia, Cirro administration has pursued repeated visits to Qatar—a state openly hostile to Somaliland’s independence. Such moves raise legitimate fears that backroom deals are being struck that compromise our sovereignty.

More troubling, Abdirahman Beyle, a known Siad Barre apologist and former Somalia Finance Minister, and Jama Mohamoud Abdillahi Egal – widely known as (@Jgabush) Gabush and is Cirro cousin, are shaping Somaliland’s foreign policy. This is a betrayal of the very idea of Somaliland’s independence, fought for with sacrifice and defended for more than three decades.

President Cirro must come clean: does he truly believe in Somaliland’s independence, or is his government quietly preparing to unite with the failed state of Somalia under pressure from foreign sponsors?

While the government flounders, Somaliland diaspora remains one of our strongest assets. But too much energy is wasted on social media arguments with Somaliland detractors. Instead, the diaspora should engage where it matters most: local politics and advocacy.

Recently, Congressman Scott Perry (R-PA) has introduced legislation in the U.S. Congress to recognize Somaliland. Every Somaliland supporter should lobby their representatives to co-sponsor this bill. Write to your congressman. Write to local newspapers and universities. Tell Somaliland story and expose the failure of U.S. policy, which rewards chaos and corruption in Mogadishu while ignoring peace and democracy in Hargeisa.

I still remember the 1980s, when the Somali National Movement (SNM) was fighting against Somalia’s Marxist dictator, Siad Barre. Despite Barre enjoying the support of the United States, Italy, Arab countries, a large embassy in Washington, D.C., and a powerful lobby led by Paul Manafort—later Trump’s campaign manager—a handful of determined patriots operated from a small office in Falls Church, Virginia. From there, they waged a relentless media campaign, exposing the atrocities of Barre’s regime to the world.

Their efforts eventually contributed to the U.S. cutting off aid, the regime’s financial lifeline. That office was led by the resolute and determined leadership of Dr. Ibrahim Meygag Samatar. We can replicate those efforts today, but only if we unite and rise above the divisive clan politics that continue to hold us back.

Our representative in Washington, Bashir Goth, must also do more. He has failed to engage with the diaspora, leaving untapped powerful resource that could amplify Somaliland’s case in the United States. This must change immediately!

Somaliland has no shortage of qualified, respected figures who could represent our cause on the world stage—individuals like Professor Ahmed Ismail Samatar of Macalester College and others with decades of academic and diplomatic experience. Instead, we are saddled with a Foreign Minister whose main credential is a campaign payoff and whose loyalty to Somaliland is in question.

As Harry Truman famously said: “The buck stops here.” President Cirro cannot pass the blame. The appointment of Bakaal was his decision, and the damage done to Somaliland’s diplomacy is his responsibility. The people of Somaliland deserve better than an “anti-Somaliland” figure at the helm of our foreign policy at this critical juncture.

If Cirro truly cares about Somaliland’s independence, stability, and international reputation, he must act decisively and remove Bakaal from office.

For the sake of Somaliland’s sovereignty and dignity, Bakaal must go.

Author:  Ali-Guban Mohamed

Future of Somaliland under President Cirro’s Administration

Future of Somaliland under President Cirro’s Administration

Abstract
This comprehensive analysis explores the challenges posed by the election of Mr. Cirro as Somaliland’s new president. It highlights his controversial leadership, alleged affiliations with corrupt and extremist entities, and the broader implications for Somaliland governance, economy, and society. The report examines Mr. Cirro’s tribalism tactics, questionable loyalties, and lack of governance experience. It discusses the potential scenarios of civil unrest and loss of sovereignty, alongside actionable recommendations to mitigate these risks and chart a path toward stability and progress. Continue reading “Future of Somaliland under President Cirro’s Administration”

Actually, Who is in Charge of Somaliland’s Presidency?

Actually, Who is in Charge of Somaliland’s Presidency?

Violence and lawlessness have prevailed since President Abdirahman Cirro took office. This week, a masked gunman killed two young adults at a busy bus station in Hargeisa, Somaliland. The killer remains at large. Initially, no press conference from the Minister of Security, police Chief, or the Hargeisa Mayor. The situation remains tense. The relatives demand answers from the government. There are demonstrations across several towns because of the slow response to these murders and the arrest of a sub-clan leader advocating justice for the victims.

The police have not arrested or questioned any suspects or witnesses for these murders. The Cirro administration is trying to sweep the murders under the rug, but the families have refused to bury the victims until the police bring justice to the perpetrator or perpetrators.

However, it should not be politicized the callous failure of Cirro administration or the Mayor of Hargeisa in handling these murders. It should be respected the victims and hold their funeral expeditiously regardless of the outcome of the police investigation, which could take time.

Instead of solving murders, the Cirro administration deployed sycophant cabinet Ministers and a rogue sub-clan elders as a surrogate, to wage a smear campaign against elders demanding answers from law enforcement—a tactic that he used repeatedly in the past to sow division among communities–where clan divisions remain explosive

Moreover, recently, two people died after police fired upon people demonstrating against a Chinese funded mining company for precious and rare metals in clashes with communal farmers and pastoralists in Agabar Township northwest Somaliland.

Many voters have serious concerns about the security and public safety of the country since Cirro took office. They feel “buyer’s remorse” because Cirro is not up to the job. Cirro’s inability to address the lawlessness, violence ravaging the nation, and the blatant interference of Somaliland territorial integrity by the weak Mogadishu government and their tribal proxy in East Sool, illustrate that he is either incapable or someone else is running the presidency.

So, if Cirro is not actually running the government, who is?

There are, of course, the people around Cirro. Some of his family members—like his wife, Fardus Robleh, who toured the DP World run Berbera port right after Cirro’s inauguration; Cousin Jama “Gabuush” Abdillahi, —who have been especially close since he won the presidential election; and Rhoda Abdillahi, Jama’s sister, a nurse aide, whose husband became a deputy Government Minister, and she bought a 10-bedroom house in “Isha Boorama’ ward, right after Cirro took office. She used to live in a shanty two-bedroom rental apartment near Hargeisa Central prison.

Somaliland citizens elected Cirro and not Gabuush or his wife. The public wants to know his title and capacity. They have the right to know what Gabuush is doing at the Somaliland presidential office or Foreign Ministry. Did he work for the Somaliland government, or President Cirro?  What is his position? Is he an agent for the so-called Federal Government?

Jama Gabuush, Somalia apologist, is  a man with a shady background and corrupt  business and political  ties to the so-called Federal Government in Mogadishu, UNSOM, Christian faith based NGOs,  private contractors, who run parallel governments to undermine self governance of African countries..His biggest business plan is to make the area surrounding Hargeisa airport and a beachfront real estate in Berbera a highly fortified posts  like  the  “ Halane” of Mogadishu, Somalia’s capital.

Many people believe that Gabuush is running the country and is the de facto leader of Somaliland. His political objective is to make Somaliland a poor member state of the failing Federal Republic of Somalia. So far, he is succeeding using Cirro’s election as a conduit to accomplish that goal.

Gabuush calls the shots for both domestic and foreign policies, effectively running the foreign Ministry and Ministry of Foreign Investment. He has sidelined the Foreign Minister. For instance, Cirro/Gabuush chartered a new roadmap to undermine Somaliland’s quest for diplomatic recognition, using the Somaliland government as a vehicle to solicit cash from rich Arab Gulf countries, including Qatar, a country funding the destruction of Somaliland as we know it.

On the business side, his main objective is to use the Somaliland government as a cash cow as previous corrupt Kulmiye party administrations did. Jama Gabuush is signing shady investment and mining deals. For instance, on May 12, 2025, the President Cirro signed a $100 million agriculture project agreement with US  based African Food Security (AFS) at Banka Salahley, outskirts of Hargeisa, despite  shady AFS Agricultural project deals in Senegal that went sour. After strong opposition from activists, local farmers and pastoralists against the plan because of lack of consultation, Cirro/Gabuush shelved the project until further notice.

Cirro/Gabuush never believed in the rule of law, our constitution or Somaliland independence, undermining peace and security. Under the direction from Gabuush, Cirro/Gabuush administration fired hundreds of officers who had decades of experience protecting the homeland because they belonged to former President Bihi Sub-clan.  Nineteen officers are still languishing in Somaliland jails without charges.

The officers gallantly served our country.  The media is calling for the immediate release of the 19 officers. Their arrests are a hugely repressive move and risk moving Somaliland into a police state and toward authoritarianism. They must be released and if there are charges against them it must be dropped.

Their arrests are nothing more than a distraction and noise to cover the failure of Cirro/Gabuush administration to secure public safety, cracking down on terrorists and their Radical Ictisaam sympathizers, restoring law and order, and protect the territorial integrity of Somaliland from blatant attack and interference emanating from the weak Mogadishu government and their proxy militias in Eastern Sool region.

The Cirro/Gabuush relationship reminds the public of that relationship between the late Somali dictator Siad Barre and his cousin Abdirahman Barre, former Minister of Foreign Affairs of Somalia, the same job Jama Gabuush is holding now. But we know how that regime ended!

For this week’s murders, it would be a gross injustice to the victims and their families if our law enforcement fails to hold the perpetrator or perpetrators accountable. If justice is not administered for the victims and their families, people will take matters into their own hands’ Vigilante Justice”, resulting in mob violence. That would be a tragedy and we must avoid it at any cost.

For this week’s murders, it would be a gross injustice to the victims and their families if our law enforcement fails to hold the perpetrator or perpetrators accountable. If justice is not administered for the victims and their families, people will take matters into their own hands’ Vigilante Justice”, resulting in mob violence. That would be a tragedy and we must avoid it at any cost.

We will not see justice until the government arrests, indict and convict the perpetrators or perpetrators of this heinous crime.  In the past, candidate Cirro funded, aided and abetted the insurrection in East Sool and the police killers at Gacan Libaax ambush. But this time, President Cirro has to choose: either he is with the criminals or with the victims. He can’t have it both ways!

Finally, If Cirro is in charge of the Somaliland presidency, he should commit himself to the Somaliland agenda on which he was elected—his constitutional duty to protect and defend Somaliland and put the interest of the country ahead of his family’s interests. He must make a choice between serving Somaliland people’s interests or his family’s.

May Allah Bless Somaliland
Ali-Guban Mohamed, Founder and Editor Guban Media email: Aliadm18@gmail.com

Corruption is a Qualification for Leadership in Somaliland

Corruption is a Qualification for Leadership in Somaliland

It is tragic — and frankly enraging — when nations continue to elect thugs, gangsters, and men devoid of dignity to lead them. Continue reading “Corruption is a Qualification for Leadership in Somaliland”

Somaliland: A Roadmap to Recognition

Somaliland: A Roadmap to Recognition

A Report by the All-Party Parliamentary Group on Somaliland

The All-Party Parliamentary Group on Somaliland was formed with the goal of promoting an understanding of and support for Somaliland achievements in building peace, democratic governance and a sovereign state in the Horn of Africa. It is chaired by the Rt Hon Sir Gavin Williamson CBE MP, with Kim Johnson MP as co-chair, Abtisam Mohamed MP as vice chair and Lord Udny-Lister as an officer. Continue reading “Somaliland: A Roadmap to Recognition”

Somaliland Child Education: An Emerging Model in the Horn of Africa

Somaliland Child Education: An Emerging Model in the Horn of Africa

Somaliland covers an area of 137,600 kilometers and shares a broader with Ethiopia, Djibouti and Somalia. Hargeisa is the political and commercial capital of Somaliland. School education system of Somaliland is playing a vital role for the cognitive, social and emotional growth of children and is responsible for the overall well being of children. In Somaliland, for the first two to three years of a child’s life, early childhood education is integrated into formal schools and private Quranic schools. Primary school lasts eight years, divided into elementary and intermediate cycles. Continue reading “Somaliland Child Education: An Emerging Model in the Horn of Africa”

Abaarso Tech: An Essential Gateway Connecting Somaliland to the Global Community

Abaarso Tech: An Essential Gateway Connecting Somaliland to the Global Community

It was an immense privilege to have the opportunity to meet Jonathan Starr, the visionary founder of the Abaarso School of Science and Technology in Hargeisa, Somaliland.

Abaarso transcends the conventional definition of a school; it embodies a transformative movement. Emerging amidst the aftermath of decades of adversity, particularly the collapse of Somaliland educational system during Siyad Barre’s regime, Abaarso emerged at a pivotal juncture. It not only delivered academic excellence but also instilled a renewed sense of optimism and hope for a new generation.

Jonathan Starr’s vision filled a critical gap, reviving a culture of education, leadership, and ambition that had long been suppressed. Today, Abaarso serves as a gateway to the world, empowering brilliant young minds to seize global opportunities and return home as agents of change.

Jonathan Star and Abdirizak Abubaker

The profound impact of this initiative can be easily witnessed at the commencement ceremony of my niece, Hodo, an Abaarso alumnus who recently graduated from Middlebury College in Vermont.

Hodo’s achievement stands as a resounding affirmation of the school’s mission and its enduring influence.

The celebration was further enhanced by the presence of numerous Abaarso alumni, now pursuing higher education at esteemed institutions across the United States. These esteemed individuals made the journey from various states to commemorate Hodo’s significant milestone, underscoring the robust and supportive network that Abaarso has cultivated. These young leaders maintain a profound connection, supporting one another and forging a future that transcends the boundaries of any single campus or nation.

Their presence, unity, and unwavering commitment to one another and their homeland reaffirmed the core values that Abaarso embodies.

As Somaliland pursues to secure international recognition, the accomplishments of Abaarso students and its alumni serve as tangible results of the nation’s fortitude, capacity, and rightful position on the global stage.

The narratives of Abaarso School of Science and Technology serve as a compelling testament to the fact that recognition transcends geographical boundaries. It encompasses the contributions, values, and aspirations of an institution.

Undeterred by criticism or propaganda emanating from detractors, the tangible evidence on the ground unequivocally demonstrates Abaarso’s transformative role in shaping the future of Somaliland.  Abaarso mission extends beyond mere academic achievement; it nurtures leaders, innovators, and global citizens.

By connecting Somaliland to the world on both an academic and political level, Abaarso empowers a generation of youth rooted in values, driven by purpose, and equipped with an exceptional education.

Amidst the prevailing discourse, the indisputable truth remains: Abaarso stands as a national asset. Its impact is undeniable, and its legacy is merely in its nascent stages.

Congratulations to Hodo and to all members of Abaarso graduating class of 2025. Your accomplishments will pave the way great contributions in many fileds for Somaliland and the global community.

Author: Abdirazak Sh. Abubaker, Atlanta, GA

Somaliland: Sound Foreign Policy Requires Strong Internal Unity in addition to External Lobbying

Somaliland: Sound Foreign Policy Requires Strong Internal Unity in addition to External Lobbying

A wise saying states, “Whoever desires to raise a high building must strengthen and perfect its foundation.” This principle, though originally intended to describe physical structures, applies powerfully to the realm of politics and diplomacy—particularly in the case of Somaliland. As a self-declared state striving for international recognition and broader global engagement, Somaliland foreign policy must be rooted in solid internal foundations. The success of its international outreach depends not just on external lobbying, but on the strength, unity, and integrity of its domestic systems.

Since declaring independence from Somalia in 1991, Somaliland has made notable strides in establishing peace, conducting elections, building institutions, and developing an inclusive form of governance. These achievements, often overlooked on the global stage, form the bedrock of its foreign policy strategy. Much like a tall building relies on a reinforced base, Somaliland path to international legitimacy rests on the strength of its internal governance and the consistency of its external messaging

The Foundation: Internal Stability and Good Governance

Somaliland greatest diplomatic asset lies not in grand speeches abroad, but in the quiet success of peace and order at home. In a region plagued by instability, Somaliland has maintained relative security, democratic transitions, and functioning institutions. These achievements serve as theconcrete” in the foundation of its foreign relations. Foreign governments and institutions take note when a region demonstrates self-reliance, political maturity, and legal order. Thus, maintaining and enhancing rule of law, anti-corruption practices, and inclusive governance is essential to reinforcing Somaliland global credibility

The Blueprint: Strategic and Consistent Messaging

A high-rise cannot be built on vague or shifting plans—and neither can a foreign policy succeed with inconsistent messages. Somaliland must continue to communicate a clear and unified diplomatic vision, rooted in historical facts, legal arguments, and a demonstrated capacity for self-governance. Recognition efforts must be based not on emotional appeals, but on consistent diplomatic engagement, showcasing the contrast between Somaliland stability and Somalia’s ongoing challenges

This also requires internal political unity. Divisions among political parties or changes in messaging can undermine Somaliland case. Diplomacy begins at home: when political actors speak with one voice abroad, the world listens more carefully.

The Structure: Gradual Growth Through Targeted Partnerships

Somaliland foreign policy should prioritize strategic patience and issue-based diplomacy. Recognition is not won overnight; rather, it is the product of years of engagement, trust-building, and practical cooperation. Somaliland growing relationships with countries like Ethiopia, the United Arab Emirates (through the Berbera Port), and Taiwan illustrate the value of targeted partnerships. These ties can strengthen its economy, security capacity, and diplomatic profile—forming the next “floors” of its diplomatic structure

Through trade, education exchange, development cooperation, and regional security contributions, Somaliland can gradually build an undeniable international presence—even without formal recognition in the short term

The Support Beams: Institutional and Public Capacity

Behind any enduring foreign policy is a network of skilled professionals, informed citizens, and strong institutions. Somaliland must invest in training diplomats, developing foreign policy think tanks, and engaging civil society in international issues. A nation’s diplomatic strength is not just measured by its embassies, but by the depth of its preparation and the unity of its people behind a shared vision.

Just as a building relies on steel beams and engineers, Somaliland foreign outreach depends on education, professionalism, and long-term planning 

Conclusion

The ambition to “build high” in foreign policy—to gain recognition, influence, and international respect—is a worthy goal for Somaliland. But the success of that ambition will be determined by the strength of the foundations laid at home. Through peace, governance, strategic communication, and steady diplomatic work, Somaliland has already laid much of that groundwork.

The building may not yet be complete. Recognition may still be afar. But if Somaliland continues to strengthen its foundations, align its strategies, and rise steadily, the structure it is building—a sovereign, democratic, and globally engaged state—will not only stand tall, but it will endure.

Author Bio:

Munir Bashatax, based in Birmingham, UK, holds bachelor’s and master’s degrees in both Sociology and Economics, as well as Commerce. With a deep appreciation for politics, economics, and business, he spends his time researching and reflecting independently on these subjects, offering well-informed personal insights and analysis.

The Deep State Within the Current Somaliland Administration

The Deep State Within the Current Somaliland Administration
President Abdirahman Mohamed Abdullahi (Irro) assumed office with a constitutional mandate and cautious optimism from the public. For many, it was a moment that signaled the possibility of steadier leadership and a more inclusive national tone. He stepped into a landscape shaped by long-standing political complexities, emerging pressures, and the quiet expectations of a society looking for calm, clarity, and cohesion.

Complicating this environment was the steady rise of ideological soft power, originating from both regional actors and internal clergy-politician alliances. Over time, these networks – not rooted in democratic legitimacy – have cultivated influence through symbolic authority, narrative control, and long-term positioning. Their impact has gone largely unchecked, quietly eroding the ideological coherence that once defined Somaliland sovereign claim.

One of the earliest signals that the road ahead would be difficult came with the formation of Irro’s cabinet. While national expectations for sweeping change may not have been universally high, key constituencies—particularly those that delivered electoral victory—expected principled leadership and meaningful inclusion. Instead, the cabinet suggested compromise. Several appointees lacked experience, and many who had stood closest to the president’s platform were left out. This created an executive structure vulnerable to internal maneuvering and a lack of cohesion.

For much of the public, the appointments felt like continuity. But for Irro’s political base, the failure to distinguish this administration from previous ones triggered a sharp legitimacy gap. That gap widened as ministries began operating in silos, agendas clashed, and state coordination weakened. The presidency, once seen as a potential driver of direction, began to resemble a balancing act between internal power centers rather than a cohesive seat of leadership.

The early decision to proceed with parliamentary and municipal elections, while a sound procedure, further prolonged the campaign atmosphere. Rather than closing the chapter on electoral rivalry, it sustained the political tension and postponed the focus on governance.

Meanwhile, perceptions of exclusion began to surface. Certain regions and civil service constituencies have expressed concerns about marginalization in appointments and decision-making. Whether these claims are substantiated or not, they have traction—especially in a political culture where symbolic balance and inclusive optics play an essential role in stability.

The absence of a coherent ideological voice within government has also become increasingly evident. Past administrations, despite their limitations, upheld a consistent message of sovereignty, statehood, and legal continuity. Today, those narratives are faint. In their absence, revisionist discourse and external ideological influence are gaining space—unchecked by a strong internal counter-narrative.

This ideological vacuum is especially dangerous among Somaliland youth. With civic education limited and engagement channels narrow, young people are increasingly vulnerable to polarizing rhetoric—both tribal and foreign. In a context where the youth represent the majority, this poses a serious long-term risk to national unity and social cohesion.

Somaliland political culture—grounded in consensus, regional inclusion, and symbolic legitimacy—is under quiet strain. Its erosion, even if gradual, opens the door to deeper fragmentation. In a state still unrecognized but widely respected for its internal stability, perception matters just as much as structure.

There is still time for President Irro to re-calibrate. Doing so will require more than reshuffling personnel. It demands clear direction, a renewed commitment to inclusiveness, and the elevation of credible voices who can restore trust in government. Rebuilding cohesion starts with listening—not just to allies, but to those feeling pushed to the margins.

Irro was not elected to maintain inertia. He was elected to guide Somaliland through complexity—with fairness, balance, and vision.

Whether this administration succeeds in that mission will shape not just its legacy, but the future of the nation itself.

Mohamed Khader, Hargeisa, Somaliland