Tag: Somalia
Creation & Dissolution of Somali Republic in the Light of Somaliland’s Quest for Recognition
Creation & Dissolution of Somali Republic in the Light of Somaliland’s Quest for Recognition
Present day Somaliland is a product of dissolution and not secession from the defunct Somali Republic. Continue reading “Creation & Dissolution of Somali Republic in the Light of Somaliland’s Quest for Recognition”
Various Reactions to the Election Timelines Announced by the Somaliland NEC
Various Reactions to the Election Timelines Announced by the Somaliland NEC
Youth Input Integrated into Hargeisa, Somaliland, Town Planning
Youth Input Integrated into Hargeisa, Somaliland, Town Planning
Delaying Damages the Jewel Record of Somaliland Elections
Delaying Damages the Jewel Record of Somaliland Elections
Somaliland, a self-declared independent state located in the Horn of Africa, has been striving for stability and democratic governance since its separation from Somalia in 1991. With its own government, military, currency, and legal system, Somaliland has emerged as a unique entity in the region. One of its notable achievements has been the successful organization of free and fair elections, setting an example for other African nations. However, the recent decision to postpone political elections in Somaliland, due to a disagreement between major political parties regarding the sequence of elections, has raised concerns about the potential consequences for democracy, political stability, and socio-economic development. This essay aims to analyze the impact of postponing political elections in Somaliland, exploring the reasons behind the decision, its potential consequences, and the importance of open and transparent communication in addressing public concerns.
Somaliland, situated in the northwest of Somalia, has a population of approximately 4.5 million people. Since its declaration of independence, Somaliland has made significant strides in establishing democratic institutions and holding regular elections. These elections have been widely regarded as free and fair by international observers, showcasing Somaliland’s commitment to democratic principles and transparent electoral processes. In a region often plagued by political instability and electoral irregularities, Somaliland stands as a beacon of democracy, setting an example for other African nations.
However, the recent disagreement between the major political parties in Somaliland regarding the sequence of elections has resulted in the postponement of political elections. The ruling party and the opposition have divergent views on whether the presidential election should take place first or be followed by the party elections that determine the three major political parties participating in formal politics for the next decade. This disagreement has created a contentious political environment, jeopardizing the stability that Somaliland has worked hard to achieve.
To fully understand the impact of postponing political elections, it is crucial to delve into the specific positions of the ruling party and the opposition. The ruling party believes that holding the party elections first is essential for maintaining stability within the political landscape, while the opposition argues that the presidential election should take precedence to ensure a legitimate mandate for the elected government. This disagreement not only highlights differing visions for the future of Somaliland but also exposes potential power struggles and political maneuvering that can undermine the democratic process.
The consequences of postponing political elections in Somaliland extend beyond the immediate concerns of democracy. Political stability is closely linked to the timely organization of elections, as they provide a legitimate framework for governance and a peaceful transition of power. The disagreement between political parties has created uncertainty and a power vacuum, increasing the potential for political tensions and instability. This volatile situation can lead to protests, violence, and a loss of public trust in the democratic process.
The violent clashes in August, as well as the opposition’s threat to no longer recognize the government led by President Muse Bihi, highlight the potential consequences of the current political impasse. Increased political tensions can further escalate into social unrest, jeopardizing the hard-earned stability of Somaliland. It is essential to recognize that the consequences of postponing elections extend far beyond the political realm. The overall socio-economic development of Somaliland is at stake, as political instability hampers progress and discourages investment and international partnerships.
Moreover, the postponement of elections raises questions about the government’s commitment to upholding democratic principles and respecting the will of the people. Open and transparent communication becomes crucial in addressing public concerns and ensuring public trust. The government must take responsibility for effectively communicating the reasons behind the decision and engaging in dialogue with all stakeholders. Clear explanations should be provided to regain public confidence in the electoral process and demonstrate a commitment to democratic values.
In addition to the government’s responsibility, civil society organizations and the international community play crucial roles in supporting transparent communication efforts. Civil society organizations can act as intermediaries, fostering dialogue between the ruling party and the opposition, and amplifying the voices of the people. The international community, as a trusted partner of Somaliland, should encourage political elites to find a consensus path forward and offer to mediate if necessary. By volunteering to serve as guarantors for any resolution that emerges, the international community can reinforce public confidence in the electoral process and support the stability of Somaliland.
Somaliland’s hard-earned stability and international recognition are at risk. The postponement of elections and the ongoing political dispute threaten to undermine the region’s democratic trajectory. To mitigate these challenges, it is essential for Somaliland’s political elites to prioritize the interests of the nation above their individual party agendas. A consensus must be reached on the sequencing of elections, ensuring a fair and inclusive process that upholds democratic values.
In conclusion, the postponement of political elections in Somaliland due to a disagreement between major political parties presents significant challenges to democracy, political stability, and socio-economic development. To fully understand the impact, it is necessary to explore the specific positions of the ruling party and the opposition. The consequences extend beyond the immediate concerns and raise questions about the government’s commitment to democratic principles.
Open and transparent communication, along with mediation efforts by the international community, can help address public concerns and foster a path forward. By finding a consensus and rescheduling the elections, Somaliland can safeguard its hard-earned stability, preserve its democratic reputation, and continue its progress toward international recognition.
“Guest article first published on Somaliland Chronicle under different title”
ABOUT THE AUTHOR
Sayid cali Ismail Ahmed is a MasterCard Foundation scholar currently studying at Westminster College (USA), double majoring in Political Science and Global and Transnational Studies. He works for the senate of the Student Government Association and as a treasurer of the Global Development and Progress Club. Ahmed also serves as a resident advisor and Math tutor. In addition, Ahmed is a fellow of The Public Policy & International Affairs Program at Princeton University. After graduating from Westminster College, Ahmed plans to pursue a career in public policy, especially in Education Policy and Analysis (EPA), to participate in policy development, research, analysis, and organizational leadership in developing countries and worldwide.
Somaliland’s Rebounding from Ruins Reveals the Toxicity of Somalia’s Reliance on Aid Programs
Somaliland’s Rebounding from Ruins Reveals the Toxicity of Somalia’s Reliance on Aid Programs
Somalia is a shattered country associated with chaos, conflict and piracy, host to an Islamist terrorist group described by a senior US military figure last year as “the largest, wealthiest and most lethal al-Qaeda affiliate in the world”. It sits in the Horn of Africa, long tormented by despotism, famine and war. Yet it is home to a small region that developed into a self-governing beacon of democracy
Somaliland has long sought recognition as an independent state — a cause taken up this week by the former cabinet minister Sir Gavin Williamson with a ten-minute rule bill in parliament. The demand for self-determination by the former British protectorate is justified, given its differences with Somalia, although probably futile due to fears across the continent that altering post-colonial borders would uncork a tide of separatist tensions.
Yet Williamson’s bill turns the spotlight on a state that offers a case study in the toxicity of aid programs, despite spurious claims made by self-righteous charities and their patsy cheerleaders in parliament.
Somaliland enjoyed a fleeting five days of independence in 1960 before deciding to merge with a former Italian colony in the south and suffering badly in a hideous civil war. Afterwards it became a country in all but name, with its own currency, president, parliament and passports.
Denied international recognition and thus direct aid while subjected to an arms embargo, its citizens relied on internal negotiations to defuse tensions and disarm militias. It designed a system of government that fused western-style democracy with clan-based traditions. One presidential election left two candidates only 80 votes apart but was resolved peacefully.
Billions have been blown on doomed aid initiatives in the rest of Somalia. But when I visited this democratic oasis in the northern corner of that failed state 12 years ago, I repeatedly heard people express pride that their success was based on their own efforts rather than foreign handouts.
One minister, highly critical of the aid lobby that he saw as exploiting Africa’s struggles, said they benefited from having space to sort out their own problems. This is not rocket science: if regimes rely on outside donors, they have less need to respond to concerns of their citizens; aid can therefore fuel corruption and conflict.
I also met the indomitable Edna Adan Ismail, who retired from the World Health Organization and used her savings to set up a maternity hospital hailed as the best in Africa. She spoke movingly about relying on “people power” to rebuild the nation, arguing that they would have been trapped in a dependency culture if outsiders had given them cash to rebuild infrastructure and told them how to set up institutions. “Instead, through trial and error, we found what worked,” she told me.
Somaliland’s democracy was not perfect: there were problems over delayed elections, freedom of expression and women’s rights. But academics noted that the lack of international attention forced elites to develop a spirit of civic cohesion and bargain over resources rather than simply court donors. And even human rights groups admired the improbability of its achievements in such a troubled location.
Sadly, this story has taken a turn for the worse in recent years. First came the development experts with their talking shops. Then foreign cash, with nations such as Britain signing deals to “promote long-term stability”. Instead, Somaliland was jolted by communal tensions, lethal clashes, presidential elections were postponed and at least 150,000 people driven from homes. Elders in one region sought secession. This year a British-funded police force was implicated in killing civilians. Now there are claims that the destabilizing impact of a flurry of foreign money lies at the core of this unrest by distorting relationships, fostering a fight for resources and fueling repression.
No doubt the apostles of aid will continue to ignore the saga of Somaliland. Just as they ignore how Haiti — nicknamed the Republic of NGOs for the number of charities jostling to assist 11.5 million citizens — descended into dysfunctional hell despite being given almost £14 billion this century alone. And just as they ignore the lesson of western attempts to build a new society in Afghanistan based on vast flows of aid and arms, which inflamed corruption, intensified divisions and empowered a mafia state, thus assisting the Taliban’s return as dismayed citizens turned to its insurgency.
It is deluded neocolonialism to think we can use our cash to impose stability in conflict-ridden regions, let alone to create millions of jobs or spread democracy. Thankfully, British aid spending has been slashed, although what remains is largely wasted beyond some successful health interventions. When aid groups squeal about cuts, it is worth noting that the sector is growing so much around the world that just the rise in global development assistance last year was bigger than the £12.8 billion we spent. The sector has become such a money-spinner that not only does David Miliband, the former foreign secretary, pocket more than $1 million a year from one charity, the International Rescue Committee, but Britain even sprays money on nations with their own aid and space agencies. If we really want to help poorer parts of the planet, we should tackle the shameful laundering of stolen cash through our firms, institutions and tax havens. We should reform a costly and often racist visa system that does so much to deter African visitors, despite the continent’s rising global importance. We should do more to exploit our influence through arts, business, education, sport, the BBC World Service and the British Council. Above all, we should look hard at Somaliland and, while supporting its bid for independence, abandon our own arrogant salvation fantasies.
Author: Ian Birrel
Is a former deputy editor of the Independent and worked as a speechwriter for David Cameron during the 2010 election campaign. He is contributing editor of The Mail on Sunday and Daily Mail for foreign reporting and investigations. Weekly column in the ‘i’ paper.
Somali Wild Ass Critically Endangered
Somali Wild Ass Critically Endangered
A rare Somali Wild Ass foal was born in a Chilean zoo, sparking hope for a critically endangered species with less than 200 mature individuals left worldwide. Continue reading “Somali Wild Ass Critically Endangered”
US State Dept. One Somalia Policy – Mirage Diplomacy with No Formulation
US State Dept. One Somalia Policy - Mirage Diplomacy With No Formulation
Ego and vanity can be corrosive to successful foreign policy. Against the backdrop of the Benghazi debacle, Secretary of State Hillary Clintonflailed for any success Continue reading “US State Dept. One Somalia Policy – Mirage Diplomacy with No Formulation”
Caafisom Revolutionizing Healthcare Provision in Somaliland
You must be logged in to post a comment.